Fighting fundamentalism with fundamentalism won’t bring peace

by John Bryson Chane

The famous Scopes Monkey Trial that pitted creationism against evolution remains a "Mark Twain" in our nation’s cultural history. Some 80 years later, Christian fundamentalists are still reacting against modernism and its role in redefining biblical theology. In recent years this reaction has become more far-reaching as fundamentalist leaders have claimed to find Bible-based reasons for opposing the creation of a Palestinian state, supporting the concept of military attack on Iraq and resisting cultural diversification in the U.S. At the same time, the rapid spread of religiously fueled terrorism in the Muslim world has demonstrated the horrific consequences that can ensue when human beings claim divine authorization based on their particular reading of a sacred text.

Christianity, if it is to remain open to God’s unfolding revelation and the stirrings of the Holy Spirit, must remain open to the impact of discoveries and advances in science, medicine and technology. If it is to understand how God’s people endeavor to understand themselves, it must remain current in its comprehension of the social sciences, and if it is to speak comfort and challenge to new generations, it must cultivate a passionate engagement in the arts and humanities. But new knowledge and a broadened critical perspective also stir faithful questioning, and with faithful questioning comes the risk of having to rethink, reevaluate and restate one’s theological worldview. Jesus’ teaching that one cannot put new wine in old wineskins merits closer consideration from those who view Christian theology and biblical interpretation as static and inerrant. The ways in which Christianity and the other great theistic religions – Judaism and Islam – come to terms with the major intellectual and cultural developments of our time – testing all things and keeping what is good, as Paul said – will determine whether life on our ever more interdependent planet will survive or self-destruct.

The clash between al Qaeda and the West is a foretaste of what is in store for the global community if the forces of reaction cannot be reconciled to the new social, political and economic realities that have been emerging since the dawn of the machine age and the birth of democracy. The advent of radical Islam has given us a terrifying glimpse of a future in which religious fundamentalists feel themselves so alienated from the global community that they take up arms against societies committed to scholarly inquiry, intellectual freedom, open and honest dialogue, equal protection under law and respect for the dignity of every human being.

Christian fundamentalists in this country enjoy levels of influence and affluence that render the embrace of violence – by all but the most radical anti-abortion activists – remote. Yet this comity is not without cost. Emboldened by their close ties to the Republican party, and supported by an exceedingly well-financed network of politically conservative foundations, publications and think tanks, religious traditionalists in the U.S. have mounted venomous campaigns against pastors, bishops, biblical scholars and theologians who have dared to examine our common Christian past through newly ground lenses. The vilification of men and women of good will is the first step in silencing opposing voices. It is also evidence of the ways in which religious fundamentalists attempt to co-opt the political life of their host nations. The current state of Islam in so many countries exemplifies the repressive nature of any fundamentalist theocracy. But fundamentalists need not dominate a polity to achieve their ends. Consider the unholy alliance of conservative elements in Judaism and American Christianity that has exacerbated the tension between Israelis and Palestinians, and made hopes of achieving a two-state solution more distant.

The question that has made the rounds in Washington since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, is "Why do they hate us so much?" The answer, all too frequently, is that other countries and cultures hate us because we are economically prosperous and militarily strong. This analysis is of a piece with the conviction embraced by fundamentalists of every stripe who believe that they have cornered the market on truth and righteousness, and that those who fault them do so out of either ignorance or jealousy. But the gravity of our current situation demands a deeper analysis and a willingness to see ourselves as others see us.

To many people, the U.S. is a Christian nation that exports violence, promiscuity and luxury goods that the vast majority of people on this planet cannot afford. According to the UN, more than three billion people are living on an average of $2 per day. Half of those people live on less than $1 per day. If these people are familiar with classic Christian teachings, those that stress loving their neighbor, turning the other cheek and caring for "even the least of these," American Christianity must seem a peculiar thing indeed. For the world sees our self-interest too often and our altruism too infrequently. In our alliances with corrupt and repressive regimes, our willingness to provide sophisticated weaponry to whomever suits us, our abrogation of treaties, our economically one-sided trading policies with impoverished nations and our newly articulated policy of preemptive warfare, the poor of the planet behold behavior that is influenced more by the teachings of Machiavelli and Bismarck than by the teachings of Christ. Little wonder then that violent men, drunk on self-righteousness, have found an audience disposed to aim its rage at the U.S. and its dominant religion.

Making this point is not an exercise in "blaming America first." I believe that President George W. Bush takes his faith seriously. I believe he sees his presidency as an opportunity to bring peace to a wounded and strife-ridden world. But in its war on terror, his administration has done too little to alleviate the material conditions that produce the despair, hopelessness and alienation on which bellicose fundamentalism must feed. He has also decided to fight fundamentalism with fundamentalism, embracing a vision of America as the successor of the biblical Israel, God’s most favored nation, the embodiment of all that is good. But this view is as unsound as the radical Islamicists’ view of the U.S. as the Great Satan.

Nations and leaders must understand that most of the world’s conflicts today are fueled by systematically flawed religious ideologies – dueling absolutes embraced by fallible human beings who see truth only through a glass and darkly. Military action undertaken to quell religiously motivated conflicts will eventually intensify the cycle of violence that continues to destroy and demean the children of God throughout the world. In attempting to resolve such crises, religious leaders of sound learning and broad theological perspective, leaders who speak from the center of their faith, must be brought into the dialogue so that the global community can claim the peace that the Gospel tells us passes all understanding, but that is at the heart of every faith.